“Why do we even need a Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Council?” What Senator Edward Brooke Taught U.S. About Representation (Black History Month Edition)
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Caption: Photo by Elizabeth Falconer on Unsplash |
“Why do we even need a Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Council?”
For this question, I say “thank you”. This is a question that I have heard from some Realtors in various parts of the nation (some who have started rollbacks due to this political climate), particularly before I teach a fair housing course.
For those of you familiar with basketball, it is like a layup question. I often jokingly say, I did not plant this person or pay them to ask this question because it perfectly leads into the course sections of “How did we get here, where are we today, and where do we go from here?” which help us to contextualize how rampant unfair housing has been (note: once is too often), including the exclusion of real estate professionals based on various demographics.
In other words, I encourage all diversity, equity and inclusion advocates whenever you are posed with, “Why do we even need a Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Council?” (or some variation), to answer (without being defensive) the meta-questions of:
1. How did we get here,
2. Where we are today, and
3. Where do we go from here
(Those may not have been explicitly asked, but they provide well-thought-out, elaborate answers.)
It never fails that after class, the same questioners typically say how they had no clue and plan to share all they have learned to be better Fair Housing DECODERS (what I call advocates).
I have written about ‘There goes the neighborhood’: The history of race and U.S. homeownership so I will not revisit those particular points. Instead, let’s review just one (of many) historical figures who is the personification of why professional diversity, equity and inclusion matters, further explaining how we got here. (For brevity’s sake, please check out previous articles to answer, where we are today and where do we go from here?)
Sidebar: The short answer to “Why do we even need a Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Council?” is, “Not everyone only sees green,” with the latest indictment against 165 Realtors, brokerages, and landlords showing a glaring room for improvement. Yet, I am quick to acknowledge that some who ask this are asking from a place where in their specific transactions, they are focused on the deal and not the external traits of people (they have no malintent). Kudos!
Here are examples of what seem to be earnest comments to this point on one of my posts (see the screenshots).
But, make no mistake, that is not everyone’s reality (which I have documented in numerous articles and videos over the last several years: click here to review). Case in point:
“I’ve been working with a Latino couple for months and have finally gotten them to the purchase stage. I like to think that issues are in the past. I’ve had a quick lesson in finding that’s not the case!” – Jo G., KW Realtor
It is for those people who are not in a protective bubble for whom we work and need to continue to prioritize diversity, equity, and inclusion, particularly among housing industry professionals. Ultimately, this all means we must steer clear of the McNamara Fallacy by honorung the experiences of people who have been treated unfairly in real estate over solely percentages of those who have not.
Do you know who the “Fathers of Fair Housing” are?
You probably know that the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King’s horrific assassination is what spurred the passage of the 1968 Federal Fair Housing Act legislation after years of protests, filibusters, and delays.
Also, you might readily know that former U.S. Vice President Walter Mondale was a co-author of what became the historic 1968 Federal Fair Housing Act.
But do you know who also wrote it?
It was none other than a Martha's Vineyard (one of my favorite summer oases) regular, Senator Edward Brooke (1919 - 2015). He was the first black attorney general of Massachusetts and the first black U.S. Senator of the 20th century (post The U.S. Nadir).
Notably, the election and professional inclusion of Brooke’s diverse experience has been consequential to many of us having someplace to call home, whether purchased or leased, regardless of our:
1. Race
2. Color
3. Religion
4. National origin
(The above are the foundational protections in the 1968 Act, which has been amended to now include locally, for some, the following)
5. Sex (federal and local)
6. Familial status (federal and local)
7. Disability (this has evolved to “a person that uses an assistive device”) (federal and local)
8. Age
9. Ancestry
10. Sexual orientation
11. Gender identity
12. Marital status
13. Military status
14. Domestic violence victims
15. Source of income
16. Genetic information
17. Pregnancy
18. HIV/AIDS
19. Fair chance/reentry/criminal record history
How so?
Senator Edward Brooke and “The American Problem”
Senator Brooke grew up in Washington.
Because of the tragedy of Pearl Harbor, Brooke, like many, joined the military.
While stationed in Italy, Brooke fell in love, got married, and returned to the U.S. to start and raise a family.
Naturally, his family wanted to buy a home.
With the G.I. Bill, homeownership was well within his means. But, like many Black, Asian, and Hispanic/Latino WWII military veterans, although the G.I. Bill benefits were theirs to use because of their valiant service, lenders, real estate agents, and home sellers were under no obligation to work with those qualified, meritorious people of color during an epidemic of legal segregation.
Inevitably, Senator Brooke, like 1.2 Million Black veterans, was denied access to his G.I. Bill homeownership benefits for his first attempted home purchase only because he was Black. Conversely, unhindered access to the G.I. Bill helped to create and expand the white middle class, which was a remarkable, globally studied phenomenon after the devastation of both The Great Depression and World War II.
To add insult to injury, Brooke also faced real estate discrimination while vacationing, leading me to wonder what was it a vacation from, ugh.
“He was known around here as Uncle Ed. He was friends with everybody. He taught kids how to swim at the Inkwell,” fondly remembered Dresser, who has been a Vineyard resident for decades.
Brooke started vacationing on Martha's Vineyard in the early 1950s and continued there for the rest of his life (c.f. his house is on the African American Heritage Trail in Oak Bluff). Brooke wanted to have a social group since the East Chop Beach Club would not at that time allow Black vacationers or residents to join. Brooke tried to form a social group that Black islanders, along with anyone else, could access, but the town resisted and would not allow him to purchase additional real estate for such gatherings.
The blatant denial of his earned military benefits, plus his continuous experiences with real estate discrimination, set the tone for his whole career as an attorney, leading him to not only champion fair housing laws, which are foundational to diversity, equity and inclusion in real estate but to co-write the landmark 1968 legislation.
The next year, the senator’s name became the moniker for the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1969, a.k.a. the ‘Brooke Amendment,’ which limited out-of-pocket rent expenditure by a tenant in federal publicly assisted housing programs to 25% of one’s income (raised to 30% in 1981). You probably recognize this percentage because it is still often the universal benchmark for measuring U.S. housing affordability – the Brooke Amendment was its first use.
Ultimately, Sen. Brooke helped to articulate and codify our modern form of federal fair housing for all and shape our modern experience of Martha’s Vineyard as a summer breeze, a healing balm, and a slice of heaven. As a fair housing educator, what an honor it was to see the summer home of one of the “Fathers of Fair Housing,” belated Senator Edward Brooke. He spent his career advocating for fair and affordable housing partly because of the good and not-so-good he experienced in DC, New England and Martha’s Vineyard.
But imagine if Brooke’s experience had been discounted by his professional peers who (validly) could say, “I’ve never experienced that,” like the social media comments referenced above?
Real (estate) talk: It is not hyperbole to say that the remarkable evolution to 19 protected fair housing classes (as listed above) might not exist in today’s present form if Brooke's (and every fair housing advocate since) diversity of thought and experience were not equitably included professionally.
When asked by Time Magazine in 1967 about the housing crisis, Brooke asserted, “It’s not purely a Negro problem. It’s a social and economic problem … an American problem.” This holds true for today.
Similarly, diversity, equity and inclusion councils help to proactively ensure that professionals and leadership come from ALL communities, including those that have historically been excluded (e.g. women, Veterans, those with accessibility needs, racial groups, etc.) from being Realtors and other professionals (such as mortgage lenders, appraisers, etc.).
“Representation matters in housing policy because lived experience shapes solutions.” — Melody Barnes
“Fair housing begins with listening to those most impacted by injustice.” — Tamika Mallory
“When we work together, fair housing becomes more than a goal—it becomes reality.” – Donna Brazile
"Lifting as we climb." — Mary Church Terrell
Let’s continue Brooke's non-partisan legacy (he was a Republican senator, while his co-author Mondale was a Democrat) — let’s continue to advocate for fair housing for ALL, including the proactive inclusion of real estate professionals from all walks of life.
Dr. Lee Davenport is a real estate coach/educator and author (including Be a Fair Housing D.E.C.O.D.E.R. and How to Profit with Your Personality). Dr. Lee trains real estate agents around the globe on how to work smarter with their unique personalities and how to “advocate, not alienate,” so everyone has access and opportunity in real estate.
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